The latest issue of The Theory and Practice of Legislation (Hart Publishing) is out.
It includes:
Introduction: The Legitimacy
of EU Secondary Legislation
Wim Voermans and
Josephine M.R. Hartmann
The Quest for Legitimacy in
EU Secondary Legislation
Wim Voermans,
Josephine M.R. Hartmann and Michael Kaeding
Abstract:
According to classic democratic theory legislative
decision-making presupposes some involvement of the people or their
representatives. Their involvement is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of
enacted legislation. At the same time, however, the lack of public involvement
is a weak spot of EU legislative decision-making. This represents a growing
problem because the European Union (EU) is built on and predominantly governed
by EU law that is enacted in EU-legislation without direct input from the
people. In fact more than 75% of EU legislation is currently enacted by the
European Commission (EC). This lack of democratic pedigree of so-called ‘EU
secondary legislation’ allegedly causes various legitimacy-related problems at
the EU level. With the introduction of a new system on delegated and
implementing acts by the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU however aims to address the
apparent democratic deficit. This contribution takes up this call and against
this backdrop answers the question whether the Lisbon ‘arrangements’ have,
indeed, changed ‘things for the better’. It presents a legitimacy review of the
post-Lisbon regime on delegated and implementing acts of the last four years. We
first look into the concept of legitimacy of EU secondary legislation to assess
the post-Lisbon developments. After focusing on the question of whether the
legitimacy of secondary legislation has increased since the Lisbon Treaty and in
what respect we then turn to the Lisbon institutional and procedural empowerment
of the European Parliament in the legislative procedure to see whether it has,
in reality, increased the Parliament’s influence and control of EU legislation
vis à vis the Council and the Commission. Our findings suggest that the high
expectations for improving the legitimacy of EU secondary legislation have not
(yet) materialized. Furthermore, facts and figures give cause for doubt as to
the feasibility of achieving this objective in the near future.
Primacy of the European
Legislature? Delegated Rule-Making and the Decline of the “Transmission Belt”
Theory
Rob van
Gestel
Abstract:
According to some a primacy of parliament doctrine is
emerging at the EU level in the post-Lisbon era strengthening the position of
the EP in the legislative process and tightening the grip on delegated
rule-making via the new regime of Article 290/291 TFEU. In reality, however, new
problems with delegation have come up, which seem to bypass the normative
framework of Article 290/291. It is unlikely that the legitimacy of new modes of
delegation can be guaranteed through a ‘transmission belt theory’ in which
primary EU legislation serves to transfer democratic legitimacy to the
executive, to administrative agencies and to other delegated rule-makers, at the
same time constraining their actions so that they advance legislative goals.
More attention should be paid to public participation, transparency and judicial
review of rules outsourced by the primary legislature.
The Irony of Oversight:
Delegated Acts and the Political Economy of the European Union’s Legislative
Veto under the Treaty of Lisbon
Kevin M.
Stack
Abstract:
As
part of the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Union adopted a legislative veto
mechanism which grants the European Parliament and the Council of the European
Union independent authority to revoke delegations to the European Commission or
to override elements of the Commission’s “delegated acts.” This article provides
a functional assessment of this new provision—Article 290 of the Treaty on the
Functioning of Europe—as a basis for evaluating the way in which it alters the
grounds of the legitimacy of secondary legislation in the EU. The article argues
that Article 290 does little to augment the claim that secondary legislation
reflects the views of the Parliament or Council, and ironically may increase the
capacity of interest groups to shape the content of the Commission’s secondary
legislation. Because the costs of collective action to formally override
Commission acts are high for Parliament, principles of political economy predict
that the members of Parliament will prefer individual negotiation with the
Commission for concessions. Decades of experience with a legislative veto in the
United States provide support for this theoretical prediction that a legislative
veto’s primary impact in a system of separated powers is to augment negotiations
between committees and even individual legislators with executive rule-makers.
Yet these often non-transparent negotiations do not represent the Parliament as
an institution, and thus do little to enhance the “parliamentary” legitimacy of
the Commission’s delegated acts. Article 290’s legislative veto also supplants
Member States’ prior gatekeeping role in the Commission’s processes for
developing secondary legislation. As a result, this article exposes that with
the adoption of Article 290, the primary grounds for the legitimacy of secondary
legislation in the European Union—and for the project of
EU administrative law—are technocratic and procedural.
The Adoption of Secondary
Legislation through Comitology in the EU: Some Reflections on the Regulation
(EU) 182/2011 in Comparison with the Pre-Lisbon Reform
Daniela
Corona
Abstract:
The
Lisbon Treaty reform provided an important innovation in the EU regulatory
activity by differentiating between the legislative delegation (art. 290 TFEU)
and the executive delegation (art. 291 TFEU). In so doing, the central role of
the European Commission in the Comitology procedures as well as the power of the
European Parliament and the Council to control its executive powers have been
modified. The new 2011 Comitology Regulation aimed at creating a more
intelligible and transparent committees’ system where the EC is expected to act
in a stricter framework. The paper argues that the new Regulation preserves the
efficiency of the Comitology system; at the same time, however, it does not
really improve the level of transparency and clarity in the way in which the
committees’ procedures works. Moreover, as the practice clearly shows, the EC
continues to enjoy a broad discretion in the adoption of implementing acts.
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