As you know, the Juris Diversitas Blog has tended to publish only informational blogs. We hope, over the next year, to branch out to include more opinion-oriented and scholarly posts, online discussions, etc. With that in mind, we're happy to post the following contribution from Tomaso Ferrando (PhD Student, Sciences-Po Law School):
Private Legal
Transplants: Bright and dark nature of an unnoticed phenomenon
Only few months ago,
the social image of prominent transnational enterprises such Apple and HP was
threatened by media reporting several violations of labor rights by Foxconn, the
main contract manufacturer for such electronics companies, whose factories are
located in the People's Republic of China. In the light of the potential
commercial repercussions, Apple and Foxconn invited the Fair Labor Association
(FLA) into the factories where Apple’s products are built, relying on the fact
that Apple had just joined the Association in January 13. After more than a
month of investigation, the FLA 'revealed serious and pressing noncompliances
with FLA’s Workplace Code of Conduct, as well as Chinese labor law' and claimed
that both Apple and Foxconn 'have agreed to ongoing assessments by FLA in order
to ensure that labor practices meet FLA standards and remain in compliance for
the long term.' From a legal perspective, that means that a private agreement
concluded between the two enterprises and a private association would determine
– if enforced and respected - the substitution of the current Chinese working
standards with the legal architecture privately defined by the FLA, i.e. the
creation of an ad hoc intra-national legal order whose boundaries will be
represented by the Foxconn's gates.
More recently, the Brazilian lower house and the Senate approved the 'Lei Geral da Copa', according to which the ban on Alcoholic drinks in Brazil's stadiums introduced in 2003 as part of the Supporters' Statutes will be lift in occasion of the Confederation Cup and the World Cup. Will the law be signed by President Dilma, an ad hoc juridical order will be applied only in the stadiums that will host the two competitions, and only for the time of the events. Welcomed with great satisfaction by the FIFA secretary general Jerome Valcke, the bill will create a sub-system of law limited in time and space, but, more importantly, which will be entirely determined by the need for the state to respect the private agreement concluded between the Brazilian Government and the Fédération Internationale de Football Association, and by the interest of this latter not to breach the agreement just concluded with Anheuser-Busch, the Budweiser's producer. Whether European supporters may be used to have a beer while watching their sport idols confronting each-other, Brazil was in the process of following a different path, but it appears to have eventually bowed to the content of a private agreement concluded between other parties.
More recently, the Brazilian lower house and the Senate approved the 'Lei Geral da Copa', according to which the ban on Alcoholic drinks in Brazil's stadiums introduced in 2003 as part of the Supporters' Statutes will be lift in occasion of the Confederation Cup and the World Cup. Will the law be signed by President Dilma, an ad hoc juridical order will be applied only in the stadiums that will host the two competitions, and only for the time of the events. Welcomed with great satisfaction by the FIFA secretary general Jerome Valcke, the bill will create a sub-system of law limited in time and space, but, more importantly, which will be entirely determined by the need for the state to respect the private agreement concluded between the Brazilian Government and the Fédération Internationale de Football Association, and by the interest of this latter not to breach the agreement just concluded with Anheuser-Busch, the Budweiser's producer. Whether European supporters may be used to have a beer while watching their sport idols confronting each-other, Brazil was in the process of following a different path, but it appears to have eventually bowed to the content of a private agreement concluded between other parties.
It is my opinion
that the cases that have just been described, although apparently dissimilar
and unrelated, represent two of the many situations in which a private
agreement intervenes to shape and modify national legal orders. In particular,
it can impose a specific behaviors to one of the private parties of the deal,
or require a legislative intervention in order to accommodate the interest of
private parties. In both cases, I claim, an instrument of private law is
utilized as a proxy for legal transplant and the creation of special areas of
law, some sort of Legal Special Zones (LSZ), where the applicable law differs
from that what can be found beyond its gates, and where the juridical competence
is often attributed to alternative mechanism of dispute.
Whether I do welcome an effective diffusion of higher production standards that could lead to a raise to the top of the existing legislations, I cannot affirm the same about the use of sovereign prerogatives in order to modify and shape national legal orders according to the content of a private agreement. Private legal transplant appears, therefore, characterized by a bright and a dark side. Therefore, the proliferation of private proxies of legal transposition and their role in the expansion of a homogeneous legal order that does not accept any tuning, require jurists to interrogate the current phenomenon and define its content, but above all to propose new theories that move beyond the traditional conception of legal transplant as nation-to-nation imitation.
Whether I do welcome an effective diffusion of higher production standards that could lead to a raise to the top of the existing legislations, I cannot affirm the same about the use of sovereign prerogatives in order to modify and shape national legal orders according to the content of a private agreement. Private legal transplant appears, therefore, characterized by a bright and a dark side. Therefore, the proliferation of private proxies of legal transposition and their role in the expansion of a homogeneous legal order that does not accept any tuning, require jurists to interrogate the current phenomenon and define its content, but above all to propose new theories that move beyond the traditional conception of legal transplant as nation-to-nation imitation.
As the Foxcon and
FIFA examples demonstrate, globalization is everything but a static and
well-defined phenomenon, a complex process that involves a plurality of actors
and a multitude of fields. Extremely reluctant to be constrained within defined
borders, so much that Anthony Giddens defines it as a 'term that we use
frequently but which is poorly conceptualized'[i], globalization can be decomposed
in a plurality of sub-processes, everyone involving and influencing different
aspects of life. Therefore, following the scheme traced by Boaventura de Sousa
Santos[ii] and
Duncan Kennedy,[iii]
it appears more appropriate to talk of globalizations rather than of a single
globalization, a plurality of phenomena based on the individualization of a
model of reference by the main economic and political power which is then
expanded beyond its own frontiers in order to become universal.[iv] In this
sense, globalizations are acts of universalization and homogenization, where
law and culture play a fundamental role as tools and objective of change and
standardization, legitinate coercive power capable of impacting legal diversity
and sovereign autonomy.
After forty years in
which global legal transplant has been defined has a state-to-state
relationship based on prestige, power or imitation, one new piece seems to be
part of the global puzzle of legal standardization, which pushes aside the
traditional idea of transplant as the simple moving of a rule or a system of law
from one country to another, or from one people to another one'.[v] This
reduced perception of legal transplant, in fact, can fit into a global order
based on nation states and international organizations, but it cannot be
adapted to the current post-modern scenario where global, national and local
orders interact with each other, cultural distinctions are becoming blurred,
where private is occupying the space once occupied by the public, and where
transnational enterprises (TNEs) cut across continents with little geographical
attachment.
Embedded in dogmatic
immobility, we tend to remain entrapped in the idea of a private contract as an
agreement that only incidentally is touched by the public sphere, but certainly
does not define its content, so that we miss the process by which production
agreements, codes of conduct, and norms of corporate social responsibility are
made of norms and means of coercion that are transferred from one legal order
to the contract (a different legal context), where they can represent the new
term of reference for people's behaviors. On the other side, a full
comprehension of globalization requires to go beyond the private-public
distinction as an untouchable dogma. Only then we can realize that certain
clauses contained in investment contracts concluded between TNEs and national
governments, such as ad hoc fiscal agreements, the definition of property or of
the working hours, the obligations to provide full access to natural resources
or stabilization clauses that crystallize law, are much more than private law.
They are the fast track through which a particular legal narrative, that of
private property, individuality, commodification of nature, and the supremacy
of private interests is expanded and universalized, piercing the sovereign veil
and going beyond the idea of a public national legal order.
The thick network of
legal tools that allows transnational enterprises to extend their power through
national frontiers and to take advantage of the immobility of the nation state,
requires jurists to reconsider the boundaries between legal domains, and to
develop a new theory of legal transplants which does not look at the source,
but at the mechanisms of exercise of power. We have to abandon the the idea of
a global community of public legislators that autonomously and independently
issue coercive norms that bound their citizens, and shift to a complex picture
where coercive measures are the product of the encounter between the private
and public, or between private actors more and more integrated on a global
level. In the last thirty years, legal formants and legal narratives produced
in core countries according to capitalistic economic needs have been detached
from their own background and moved upward to a global scale, so to constitute
a new global economic order, a law-non-law with no clear source nor
geographical location, which is however territorialized any time it is
respected and or coercively enforced.[vi]
As I have
anticipated, private legal transplant appears as a double-faced phenomenon. On
its bright side, it takes place when mother corporations or buyers impose their
own standards of conduct and internal norms on private counterparts, so much
that the latter become internal legal systems governed according exogenous
dispositions. Legal standards are raised and social, environmental or labor
guarantees strengthened by means of private agreement, although the provision
of alternative dispute mechanism risks to counterbalance the potential of the
move and to subtract important aspects of social life from public scrutiny. On its dark connotation, PLT takes the form of investment agreements concluded by
global investors and nation states, with or without the legal umbrella of a
Bilateral Investment Agreement. Despite its private nature, in fact, the
content of the agreement becomes juridically binding for the state as sovereign
entity, and often requires it to exercise its prerogatives in a way that
respect and does not violate its clauses, even if that means to adapt the
national legal order and its institutions according to the content of the
contractual obligations. It is happening with labor law, environmental
prescriptions, access to natural resources and even the conception of private
property, and the risks of arbitration and a negative awards certainly
represent an extra constraint over states' margins of appreciation.
While the potential
– doubtful - of private-to-private legal transplant has become to be discussed
in the frame of Corporate Social Responsibility and global governance (although
with little debate on the risks of a complete privatization of an issue of
public concern),[vii]
the private-to-public appears completely overlooked despite its extreme
relevance due to its implication on national
sovereignty, democracy, legitimacy and participation. In this last scenario, in
fact, the contractual
codification of a specific legal discourse and norms (included the principles
of lex mercatoria, a law/non-law which has longly be struggling for a
legitimation and condemned to the vicious circle of legal autopoiesis),
receives a formal investiture and
becomes national law, despite its clear private origins. A strong and creative
effort on the side of critical jurists is therefore urgently needed, which
starts from the reconsideration of the artificial separation between fields of
law.
In conclusion,
although the Foxconn and FIFA cases might seem irrelevant or exceptional, they
are the evidence of a constant tendency toward the privatization of the content
of binding law. As the modern merchants of law, private actors appear as the
proxies of legal and cultural transformation,[viii] producers of a new legal reality that goes beyond mere economic transactions, and
whose pervasive effects require a deep understanding and a strong dose of
critical analysis. Therefore, a general theory of PLT has to be proposed, one
that provides a platform for a future and analytical application of this new
creative thoughts to other concrete cases of transnational relationships.
[i] Giddens A.,
2009, Sociology, 6th edition, Polity Press, London.
[ii] De Sousa
Santos B., 2009, A Non-Occidentalist West, Theory Culture Society, SAGE,
Los Angelese, London, New Delhi, and Singapore, Vol. 26 (7-8): 103-125.
[iii]
Kennedy D., 2006, Three Globalizations of Law
and Legal Thought: 1850-2000, in The New Law and Economic
Development, Trubek D., Santos A. (eds), Cambridge University Press.
[iv] De Sousa Santos B., 2009, Beyond Abyssal Thinking, From global lines
to ecologies of knowledges, Eurizine.
[v] Alan
Watson, Legal
Transplants: An Approach to Comparative Law (Second Edition ed. 1993).
[vi] P. Legrand, On the
singularity of Law, 47 Harv. Int’l LJ
517 (2006).
[vii]
Muir Watt H., 2012, Private
International Law as Global Governance: Beyond the
Schism, from Closet to Planet, PILAGG launching paper,
available from http://blogs.sciences-po.fr/pilagg/files/2011/11/HMW-PILAGG-Launching-Paper-Revisited.pdf.
[viii] Dezalay I., Marchands de droit: la
restructuration de l'ordre juridique international par les multinationales du
droit, Fayard, 1992.
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